B.R. Ambedkar predicted that anytime the exploited classes seek equal treatment, the ruling class will raise the cry of "nationalism." True nationalism, in his opinion, was humane and emancipatory.
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar was born on April 14, 1891, in the Central Provinces (now Madhya Pradesh) to a Marathi family.
On 14th April 1928, activist Janardan Sadashiv Ranpise openly celebrated Dr Ambedkar's birthday for the first time in Pune.
Since then India and the rest of the globe commemorate Ambedkar Jayanti on his birth anniversary.
On March 31, 2021, the Government of India decided to establish April 14 as a public holiday in honour of Dr. Ambedkar's birthday.
Dr. Ambedkar rose from poor beginnings to become one of the country's most brilliant legal brains.
During the year 1897, his family relocated to Mumbai, where he enrolled at a High School.
He was enrolled on a college associated with the University of Bombay after completing his matriculation exams, and he earned a degree in Economics and Political Science there.
He was also given a Baroda State Scholarship, which allowed him to pursue post-graduate studies at Columbia University.
After enrolling in the Bar school at Gray's Inn and the London School of Economics, he finished his Master's degree in 1921 and his D.Sc. in Economics, which he received from the University of London in 1923.
Dr. Ambedkar went on to become a well-known jurist, politician, social reformer, and economist, as well as the Chairman of the Constituent Assembly of India's Drafting Committee.
He worked relentlessly for the upliftment and empowerment of Dalits in the country, and his significant contribution to the creation of the Indian Constitution is still remembered.
Describing the essence of the Indian Constitution, Dr. Ambedkar said, "I feel that the Constitution is workable, flexible, and strong enough to hold the country together both in peacetime and in wartime." Indeed, if I may say so, if things go wrong under the new Constitution, it will not be because we had a terrible one. "All we can say is that Man was vile.”
In recent times, there has been a renaissance of publications on Ambedkar, caste, and Dalit politics.
This increase is occurring mostly as a result of escalating radical Dalit political agitation in India.
These publications, however, have appeared mostly in the context of current events that have significantly influenced the development of the anti-caste Dalit Bahujan movement.
One of its distinguishing qualities is its emphasis on Ambedkar's political and social philosophy.
As a result, his theories have not only affected modern debates about caste and Dalit politics, but have also deepened our understanding of our society, its history, and politics.
Despite this, little is known about his journalistic legacy.
Ambedkar entered the field of Journalism in 1920. On January 31, 1920, he launched his first newspaper, Mooknayak. It lasted three years before being discontinued.
Dalit newspapers which are a remnant of Jotiba Phule's Satyashodhak movement in Maharashtra began to appear only after Phule established Din Bandhu in the late nineteenth century.
Pre-Ambedkar Dalit leaders such as Shivram Janba Kamble and Kisan Faguji Bansode started periodicals devoted solely to the subject of untouchability.
These newspapers were short-lived and had no long-term impact.
Dr. Ambedkar later discovered three additional newspapers: Bahishkrut Bharat (1927-1929), Janata (1930-1956), and Prabuddha Bharat (1956).
He was personally involved in the editorial administration of Mooknayak and Bahishkrut Bharat, the first two newspapers.
He outsourced the responsibility to his most important colleagues, including Devrao Naik, B.R. Kadrekar, G.N. Sahastrabuddhe, R.D. Bhandare, and B.C. Kamble, beginning in 1930.
It’s also worth noting that Naik, Kadrekar, and Sahastrabuddhe were not Dalits.
The publications affiliated with Ambedkar have written a wealth of information about the history of the Dalit political movement, which is why Ambedkar's position as an impactful journalist has been largely overlooked.
This could be because his journalism works were all published in Marathi, as opposed to his scholastic papers, which were written in English.
However, the journals with which Ambedkar was affiliated were instrumental in disseminating radical political ideas and instigating social upheaval.
The examination of newspapers aided in contextualising and tracing the history of Dalit political discourse, caste violence, representation, and religious extremism.
His experience editing Mooknayak probably inspired him to develop an argumentative Marathi writing style.
One of the first writers on Ambedkar, Ratnakar Ganveer, noted that Ambedkar originally struggled to articulate himself in Marathi due to his English education.
To deal with the problem, he wrote the editorials in English and then translated them into Marathi.
During the Mahad agitations of 1927, his forceful yet composed literary style was on display.
He worked hard to grasp and understand various aspects of Marathi literature, which he frequently referenced in his editorials and commentary.
Even his opponents noticed his astute contributions through his newspapers.
His lucid writing style with an academic approach, as well as his grasp of the language, were equally significant in making an impression at the time.
Ambedkar's active journalism career did not endure long. Despite this, he was substantially responsible for establishing the contours of Marathi journalism.
He lambasted newspapers in one of his articles in Bahishkrut Bharat for encouraging irresponsible advertisements that reinforced and promoted injustice and ritualism.
However, Ambedkar's journals were plagued by a shortage of funding, which led to the closure of Mooknayak and Bahishkrut Bharat.
His steadfast stance on the issue of advertising contributed to the crisis's persistence.
Mooknayak, launched on January 31, 1920, was a fortnightly newspaper published on Saturdays from Bombay.
The Mooknayak office was located in Parel, a working-class suburb.
The title of the journal was a play on the Marathi quatrain made by Bhakti poet Tukaram, which means "leader of the voiceless."
Mooknayak’s competitors, Bombay Chronicle and Kesari sponsored advertisements for Brahmanical religious books, festivals, and activities that promoted Brahmanism and patriarchy regularly.
After seeing this trend, Ambedkar stated that he would rather not publish adverts than promote socially immoral and obscene advertisements.
Mooknayak still managed to obtain Rs 2,500 in early sponsorship from Chatrapati Shahu, the native monarch of the Kolhapur princely state and one of the most famous public figures in western India at the time.
One of the most remarkable features of Ambedkar's journalism was his fervent view that media should not serve solely the public. Instead, it should aid in the spread of democratic ideas.
Ambedkar argued that the media should offer a good example for the people.
He made deliberate decisions that had a significant impact on his journalistic endeavours but at a high cost.
Before its permanent closure, Mooknayak had experienced major financial and managerial issues since its inception.
Ambedkar was only the de facto editor of the Mooknayak throughout his stay in India and was never the official editor.
As time passed, Ambedkar found it increasingly difficult to keep track of Mooknayak's activities.
In 1918, Ambedkar took a break from his dissertation studies and travelled to India. In 1920, he left India to finish his studies.
After Ambedkar’s departure, Pandhurang Bhatkar was appointed as the first official editor.
In 1921, Dnyandeo D. Gholap took over for Bhatkar and made history by becoming the first 'untouchable' to be nominated as a member of the Bombay Presidency's Legislative Council.
Ambedkar kept a careful eye on Mooknayak's actions from London.
He came to Mooknayak's aid multiple times. He persuaded prominent Bombay-based industrialists such as Godrej to place advertisements in the paper.
In Ambedkar's absence, Mooknayak received considerable assistance from a close Parsi friend, a well-to-do entrepreneur named Naval Bhathena, who studied at Columbia University with Ambedkar.
He ended his relationship with Mooknayak in 1923 because of personal conflicts with Gholap.
During his argument with Gholap, Ambedkar had an epiphany about newspaper administration, which he later used while establishing complete control over his magazines.
In 1929, Mooknayak was forced to close due to financial difficulties. Nonetheless, it was the result of intense popular agitations that began in Mahad in 1927.
In comparison to Mooknayak, the Bahishkrut Bharat enjoyed a more steady and controversy-free existence.
It was published every two weeks from Bombay. On April 3, 1927, Bahishkrut Bharat was founded as part of the Mahad Satyagraha.
During the 1920s, Mooknayak and Bahishkrut Bharat took controversial stances on religious, social, and political matters.
Ambedkar composed the reports, commentaries, and editorials for Bahishkrut Bharat and was deeply involved in every phase of its production.
It thereafter became the mouthpiece of Ambedkar's Bahishkrut Hitkarni Sabha.
Bahishkrut Bharat which means 'Excluded India' in Hindi was founded by Dalit activists from Konkan and Bombay who took part in the Mahad agitations.
The title was offered and adopted at a public assembly in Bombay presided over by Ambedkar.
The journals chastised the Congress and right-wing Hindu nationalists for their disregard for caste issues.
His employment at Bahishkrut Bharat required him to write, report, and edit the publication all at the same time due to a lack of funds for hiring additional workers.
The problems of a caste-divided society were frequently emphasised in the literature of the Mooknayak and Bahishkrut Bharat by criticising the Hindu religion, scriptures, and society.
He compared Hindu civilization to a multi-story building with no stairs connecting the floors.
In this case, the tower depicted a caste-ridden Hindu society, with each floor representing a different caste.
He contended that developing a nationalist consciousness could not be accomplished by arrogantly ignoring social divisions.
He contended that a society that forbids diverse groups of people from mixing was harmful to national unity.
As a result, such a society would only spread apathy, hierarchy, and violence, leaving little room for genuine national togetherness.
He released numerous editorials and testimonies about acts of violence against Dalits in Western India.
Various pieces of evidence show how important articles written by Ambedkar in the Bahishkrut Bharat were read aloud in Dalit assemblies.
The issue of violence became a major concern not only for Bahishkrut Bharat but also for later journals such as Janata and Prabuddha Bharat.
Ambedkar's emphasis on structural violence in defining Dalit misery was critical in mobilising Dalits in Western India.
His abilities as an editor and communicator were highlighted during this period.
The Dalit movement saw a major transformation throughout the 1920s.
In this decade, Dalit mass politics in Western India were largely moulded by translating Dalit complaints into effective political and organisational language.
In the late 1920s, Bahishkrut Bharat was instrumental in organising public opinion against caste violence.
He stated in an editorial in Bahishkrut Bharat that Hindu civilization was incapable of attaining basic social standards such as intermixture and fraternity.
He contended that the lack of social attachment led to caste violence.
The Mahad agitation of 1927 marked the beginning of assertive mass politics in Western India.
He stated that there was no social cohesion between 'untouchables' and upper-caste Hindus since Dalits were permanently denied access to shared public spaces and were constantly subjected to upper-caste violence.
Until the 1930s, Ambedkar's attitude towards Hinduism was critical but more reformist.
Following the brutality of the Mahad agitation, Ambedkar began to advocate that Dalits should be distinguished from the Hindu population.
The concept of Hindu nationalism established in the 1920s under the leadership of V.D. Savarkar was attacked by Ambedkar’s editorials.
Against a backdrop of polarisation, many prominent Marathi media, including some nationalist publications, backed a call to attack Muslims.
Discussions about Shuddhi and Sanghatan soon began rekindling arguments in Marathi newspapers at the time.
He contended that Islam promotes and practises equality, making it simpler for Dalits to get accommodation.
He began a series of essays in the Bahishkrut Bharat that provided knowledge on various aspects of Islam.
In Bahishkrut Bharat, Ambedkar advocated for the Jalgaon Dalits to adopt Islam.
In 1929, 5,000 Dalits from Jalgaon vowed to leave Hinduism collectively, igniting a massive discussion about conversion.
One of the topics that dominated Marathi public debate in 1927 was an interfaith marriage between a Hindu girl and a Muslim man.
The young lady in issue was none other than R.G. Bhandarkar's granddaughter.
In reaction to the controversy, Ambedkar wrote a passionate editorial endorsing the marriage in the Bahishkrut Bharat.
Marathi media, notably those in Pune, were vehemently opposed to her marriage.
While condemning opponents of interfaith marriage, he asserted that marriage is a private matter in which outsiders have no say.
He stated that our society should encourage interfaith marriages because they can help restore trust between Hindus and Muslims.
In the middle of this activism by the Dalits, India also saw Gandhi’s rise to prominence in the 1920s.
Ambedkar's impression of Gandhi in this decade differed from later decades because they had yet to meet politically.
Ambedkar's editorials in Mooknayak condemned Gandhi's non-cooperation movement but also complimented him for his boldness in speaking out against Brahmin orthodoxy.
Gandhi was frequently cited in Mooknayak and Bahishkrut Bharat's literature.
Ambedkar's comments in Bahishkrut Bharat slammed Gandhi's ideas on the varna system and his patronising attitude towards untouchables.
However, Gandhi’s insistence on reducing untouchability rekindled political hope for Ambedkar and his followers.
This led to the editorials in Mooknayak becoming more optimistic about Gandhi's leadership of Congress.
With the rise of Dalit mass politics in 1927, Ambedkar's view of Gandhi also grew more critical.
Even in the 1920s, Ambedkar was wary of interacting with Gandhi, but he was optimistic about his political prospects.
The two had their memorable meeting against the backdrop of the Round Table Conference.
At the beginning of the 1930s, Ambedkar rose to national prominence.
While writing a critique on Gandhi in Bahishkrut Bharat, Ambedkar recommended that Gandhi use his appeal to confront the issue of caste and untouchability.
In his editorial Gandhi was also lauded for his forthrightness and austerity.
This dimension was entirely lacking in the 1920s.
As a result, the 1930s saw the emergence of new elements in Ambedkar’s connection with Gandhi and the Congress.
Dr. Ambedkar can be seen to have spearheaded one of history's major civil rights struggles.
His journalism not only reflected his radical ideas but also his strong commitment to professional honesty.
He strove to create basic rights for hundreds of millions of Dalits and was successful in including Article 17 in the Indian constitution, which outlawed untouchability in all forms.
His editing of Mooknayak and Bahishkrut Bharat was critical in establishing the tone for new politics-focused on mass activism.
Though Ambedkar's career as a journalist and editor was brief, he had a significant impact on society.
His arguments were not only effective in mobilising Dalits but also in establishing his leadership.
Today, Ambedkar’s ideologies have retaken the stage, both politically and intellectually, emphasising the importance of his journalistic legacy.
Let us pay him a suitable tribute on his birth anniversary by visualising the larger canvas of his ideals and taking a common promise to immerse ourselves in the nation-building process.
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